Day 78. May 17, 1862.
78
a good many oak trees about the place….
May Saturday 17 1862
Quite cool this morning. We got ready and took up the line of march at 6ocklock. We came on passed over a creek that the bridge was burnt. We got over the creek and haulted when there was a Rebel spy brot back to our Regt. 110th Penn V as it was the advance. He had a lot of letters some 30 he was brot along. We passed through the town of Warren Fraguier Co. Va. The town is a handsome town. We came on through 1 ½ mile from town. We had a very good location and water midling handy but not very good. The men were all very much fatigued with a march of 6 days and I hope we will get rest. We travelled through the county that the land is worn out by hard farming and the land is not very good. There is a grate deal of white sand stone & flint mixed
Note: The fate of a Rebel spy:
“We caught a rebel spy in our camp last week, disguised as a newspaper vender. Papers were found in his boots that convicted him beyond doubt, and he was hanged up by the neck, with very little ceremony.” Sergeant Warren H. Freeman, Thirteenth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers, U.S.A., letter to his parents, April 13, 1862. (Library of Congress Civil War Desk Reference)
Note: Isabella “Belle” Boyd (1848-1900), the “Cleopatra of the Secession, Rebel Joan of Arc, Siren of the Shenandoah” was a Confederate spy who shot to death a Yankee who was rude to her mother about hanging up the wrong flag. Around mid-May, she will hide in a hotel parlor & listen in on Shields and his men discuss heading east soon; she will relay these plans right away to Ashby, which some say impacted the Battle of Front Royal (Lincoln ends up redirecting McDowell’s forces that had been set to join McClellan’s, then finally take Richmond). And she will get fired upon riding between the armies on her way to relay a message to Jackson, which later earns her a Southern Cross of Honor (78,761 in total awarded to vets by the UDC, & mainly placed on graves, somewhat like the GAR Star). This stunt will make newspapers across America. Eliza Hopewell was her slave she used to also courier Union war plans between Jackson & Beauregard. July 29, Stanton will write up her arrest warrant; by war’s end she will get arrested 6 times, imprisoned 3, & finally exiled to Richmond & Canada. She had a thing for Union officers, & will die at 56 of a heart attack on stage before an audience composed of Grand Army of the Republic vets in Wisconsin. Belle Boyd, in Camp and Prison (1865) is her memoir.
A Confederate Girl’s Diary Sarah Morgan Dawson P. 33-34
(Writing from Baton Rouge May 17, 1862)
“One of these days, when peace is restored and we are quietly settled in our allotted corners of this wide world without any particularly exciting event to alarm us; and with the knowledge of what is now the future, and will then be the dead past; seeing that all has been the best for us in the end; that all has come right in spite of us, we will wonder how we could ever have been foolish enough to await each hour in such breathless anxiety. We will ask ourselves if it was really true that nightly, as we lay down to sleep, we did not dare plan for the morning, feeling that we might be homeless and beggars before the dawn. How unreal it will then seem! We will say it was our wild imagination, perhaps. But how bitterly, horribly true it is now!
Four days ago the Yankees left us, to attack Vicksburg, leaving their flag flying in the Garrison without a man to guard it, and with the understanding that the town would be held responsible for it. It was intended for a trap; and it succeeded. For night before last, it was pulled down and torn to pieces.”
Note: Edwin Stanton wires McDowell: “Upon being joined by Shields’s division, you will move upon Richmond by the general route of the Richmond and Fredericksburg railroad, cooperating with the forces under Gen. McClellan now threatening Richmond from the line of the Pamunkey and York rivers.” After this letter is commentary from the book Appleton’s Annual Cyclopedia and Register of Important Events of the Year 1862 Volume II Page 101: A few days previously a small force had crossed over to Fredericksburg by order of Gen. McDowell, but the main body of his corps remained at Falmouth, where it could sustain the advance if necessary. The enemy had retired only a short distance from the town. To far as related to numbers, the division of Gen. Shields was not needed by Gen. McDowell; but the soldiers of the former had been on many a hard field, while those of the latter had hardly stood the shock of battle. The division of Gen. Shields, just from a march of one hundred and ten miles, was appointed to take the advance upon the enemy. This division consisted of the following brigades: first brigade, Gen. Kimball, 4th and 8th Ohio, 14th Indiana, and 7th Virginia; second brigade, Gen. Terry, 7th, 29th, and 66th Ohio, and 7th Indiana; third brigade, Gen. Tyler, 5th Ohio, 1st Virginia, 84th and 110th Pennsylvania; fourth brigade, Col. Carroll acting brig.-gen., 7th and 62nd Ohio, 13th Indiana, and 39th Illinois.
The Civil War The Final Year: Told by Those Who Lived It Edited by Aaron Sheehan-Dean p. 572-575
PEACE TALKS: VIRGINIA, FEBRUARY 1865
Robert Garlick Hill Kean:
Diary, February 5, 1865
“In January 1865, Francis Preston Blair, a former adviser to Andrew Jackson who served as an unofficial counselor to President Lincoln, traveled to Richmond twice to meet Jefferson Davis. Blair proposed to Davis that the Union and Confederate armies should jointly expel the French from Mexico as a prelude to national reunion. Neither David nor Lincoln believed in Blair’s proposal, but they were both willing to use him as an intermediary. On January 12 Davis asked Blair to tell Lincoln that he was willing to “enter into conference with a view to secure peace to the two countries.” Lincoln responded on January 18 that he would accept an emissary “with the view of securing peace to the people of our one common country.” Despite Lincoln’s refusal to acknowledge Confederate independence, Davis appointed as commissioners Confederate vice president Alexander H. Stephens, Confederate senator Robert M.T. Hunter, and John A. Campbell, the Confederate assistant secretary of war. The three men met with Lincoln and Secretary of State Seward on February 3 onboard the Union steamboat River Queen at Hampton Roads, Virginia. No notes were taken during the meeting, but the various accounts written afterward by the the participants agree that Lincoln insisted on a complete cessation of hostilities and the full restoration of the union while refusing to retreat from his emancipation policies. Robert Garlick Hill Kean, an administrator in the Confederate War Department who worked closely with Campbell, wrote about the Hampton Roads conference in his diary on February 5. The next day Davis attributed the meeting’s failure in a message to the Confederate Congress to northern insistence on “unconditional submission.’”
Feb. 5 “Last night about 8 o’clock, Messre. Stephens, Hunter and Campbell got back. After they were admitted into Grant’s lines, they were carried down to City Point where they were taken in hand by Major Eckert, the censor of the telegraph, who was the person to have charge of their going forward. Some notes passed on the subject of the character and objects of their mission, and delay was produced by which they were kept at City Point till Thursday morning from Monday night. Judge Campbell thinks this was in order to give time for the announcement of the vote in the Yankee House of Representatives on the emancipation amendment to the Constitution and the action of the Eastern states legislatures on it– all of which Seward, who was all the while at Old Point, was waiting for, and brought out in the conference. Finally on Thursday they were taken down on Grant’s steamboat, getting into the Roads. Lincoln arrived from Washington that evening and sent them word that he was tired with travel, but would see them the next day. So next morning they were taken on board the steamer where Lincoln and Seward were, and had a conference of about three hours, in which a great deal was talked over.
Mr. Stephens reminded Lincoln of their intimacy in the time when they served on the secret committee together, which engineered the election of General Taylor. Lincoln remembered the acquaintance but appeared oblivious of the ‘sleeping together’ after the manner of Botts and Tyler. Mr. Stephens then went on to a long discussion of the ‘Monroe Doctrine’ in its relations to this quarrel. After he had proceeded for some time (this cue having been taken from Blair) Lincoln appeared to have become impatient and interrupted with the remark that there was but one ground on which propositions could be made or received, and that was the restoration of the national authority over all places in the states. This diverted the discussion, but Mr. Seward said he desired to hear Mr. Stephens out; his view was one in which he was interested.
Mr. Stephens cited historical instances of nations at war laying aside their quarrel to take up other matters of mutual interest to both. Mr. Lincoln replied that he knew nothing about history, ‘You must talk history to Seward.’ It having become distinctly understood that no terms short of reconstruction were to be considered, Judge Campbell took up the discussion and inquired searchingly into their ideas of the manner of it. It was brought out distinctly that submission was contemplated pure and simple, though they called our envoys to witness that they never used the word ‘submission.’ Their phrase was ‘restoration of the national authority.’ The terms of Lincoln’s message in December last were all they had to offer.
On the subject of their penal legislation, Lincoln said that we must accept all the consequences of the application of the law, that he would be disposed to use liberally the power confided to him for the remission of pains and penalties. In this connection Judge Campbell remarked that he had never regarded his neck as in danger. Lincoln replied that there were a good many oak trees about the place where he lived, the limbs of which afforded many convenient points from which he might have dangled. This was said with temper, and was the only exhibition of it at all. They said there could be no convention on this subject with us either as a national government or as states, as to make such a convention would be a ‘recognition.’ Mr. Hunter replied that this did not follow; there were frequent instances of such conventions, as between Charles I and the parliament. Lincoln answered, ‘And Charles I lost his head; that’s all I know about that; you must talk history to Seward.’ Judge Campbell stated the difference between the law of conquest and a pacification by convention. They left no opening for any convention. Everything was to be settled by the laws of Congress and the decisions of the courts.
The slavery question was mentioned. That, Lincoln said, would be decided by the courts. Some said his proclamations had no effect whatever; others, that they operated only in particular places; others, that they were of general operation. He supposed this would be tested by some one taking a negro, and the question of his freedom being brought before the courts.
(In this connection and in reply to Mr. Hunter’s suggestion as to negro women and children in exposed places, like Eastern Virginia where productive labor had all absconded, Lincoln told his story of the pigs.)
In this connection Seward produced the vote in the House of Representatives on the amendment to the Constitution. He said this country was in a revolutionary condition, and as always was the case, the most extreme party succeeds. He cited Maryland. The first proposition was to get rid of slavery in 50 years. This would have been satisfactory, but a more extreme party arose for emancipation in seven years, then a more violent one for immediate emancipation, and this one succeeded. So in New York, the Tribune which a few years ago was the only abolition political paper supported by the country, was now the most conservative of the Northern press while the Herald leads the abolition party.
The conditions of a truce were also discussed, equally unsatisfactory. The only governments which could be recognized in states where there are two would be the bogus Yankee government. Judge Campbell also asked if Virginia went back whether it would be with her ancient limits. The reply was that it would be a question for the courts. West Virginia would be regarded as a state. The gentlemen prepared their answer to the President this morning, which I presume will be published. This ends this peace fiasco which must satisfy the most sceptical that we have nothing whatever to hope or expect short of the exaction of all the rights of conquest, whether we are overrun by force, or submit.”
Note: there were a good many oak trees about the place where he lived, the limbs of which afforded many convenient points from which he might have dangled. Priceless.
Lincoln’s views about saving the Union versus saving slavery, in August, 1822. The nation read the following letter he wrote Greeley:
http://www.abrahamlincolnonline.org/lincoln/speeches/greeley.htm
Executive Mansion,
Washington, August 22, 1862.
Hon. Horace Greeley:
Dear Sir.
I have just read yours of the 19th. addressed to myself through the New-York Tribune. If there be in it any statements, or assumptions of fact, which I may know to be erroneous, I do not, now and here, controvert them. If there be in it any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here, argue against them. If there be perceptable in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend, whose heart I have always supposed to be right.
As to the policy I “seem to be pursuing” as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.
I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be “the Union as it was.” If there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.
I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men every where could be free.
Yours,
A. Lincoln.
Note: William Henry Seward (Secretary of State 1861-1869) was, according to McPherson, “playing a deep and devious game.” (P. 268) Seward was 5’6, a surprisingly mangy, powerless looking dude.
Note: Hampton Roads, in another 159 years? What goes on here? Old Virginny? Lincoln wouldn’t have stood for this: David Dietrich, Electoral Board Chair in Hampton Roads, VA., 2/17/21, on Facebook, made his position, as he worded it, about “standing down the military to ferret out “white nationalists” unambiguous: wrote about Defense Secretary Gen. Lloyd Austin & Gen. Russel Honoré, “They are nothing more than dirty stinking niggers,” & “if it’s civil war they want, they will get it in spades. Perhaps the best way to pull us back from the brink is a good public lynching.” Also, “vile Black nationalists,” “enemies of the People.” Gov. Youngkin demanded his resignation, which he refused at first. That all took over a year? Or did it take 160 years, in the end.
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haulted when there was a Rebel spy brot back….
From 1867-1877, at least 1,000 Black men earned public office election. But the South redescended to something else by the 1880s. By then they had started in on the White Plantation Nostalgia, the whites in the North did, too, by the 1880s. Now the villagers have got themselves some torches again, some long fictions, & some other names to fill in the blank, the block letter posterboards, “You’re sexy! You’re cute! Take off the Nazi suit!” “Jews will not replace us,” “Y’all wild,” “Send nudes,” CONFEDERATE LIVES MATTER, & all the vanishing points of the story they think we should all agree on, angles of trajectory calculated to keep the lie going. They are names taken on down the centuries is all. The people all have the same look to them, don’t they? Burning fingers as they light the torches, wiping hands on Fred Perry polo shirts & Dockers comfort khackis while cops stood in a line, no intervention. You must know what came before to have a feeling of what is coming. Whichever name you give it, its all the same, though the names, dates, faces have changed, as they always do. Because when time is burned away, hate lingers as but a lack of imagination with a hundred different names in a hundred different centuries.
Don’t start none, won’t be none.
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