Day 12. March 12, 1862.
12
for the purpose of cutting their throats….
March Wensday 12th 1862
Quite pleasant this morning. We had nothing for breakfast accept a little coffee and one small sweet cracker.* The 3 Brigade the Ind 7 Ohio 7 & 29 & 110th Regt PV took up the line of march. Gen Tyler** told us if we saw fit to follow him with out anything to eat as there was a chance for a fight again. Everyone gave three cheers and took up the line of march in our position in the Brigade. Came into within 4 miles of Winchester*** and haulted for the night. We quartered in a field. We sleep out out in the field. We are quartered where there was a fight or skirmish on. Yesterday routed the rebels and put them to flight and we marched 16 miles today without much to eat and I hope it was for a something. Our troops have possession of Winchester and the enemies have gone on towards Strasburg our army in pursuit
*As the South exists on pork ‘n corn the North gets crackers & coffee. Or, cracker & coffee.
**General Tyler: https://www.nps.gov/mono/learn/historyculture/general-tyler.htm
***Winchester on YouTube: Now there’s the Handley Library, & a place called Dharma Yoga Studio. The drone shows them at night, far out high, and you see something called the Splash Pad in purple water lights and red, & it’s day again & then, there was something else. And– and– there it was, a B&O railroad car parked as a relic on the ground. Today, however, the town will go into Union hands & stay that way until March 25. Note Duncan’s description (Beleaguered Winchester) below of Union soldiers marching into town today. What a sight!
Note: 29th Ohio: https://www.nps.gov/civilwar/search-battle-units-detail.htm?battleUnitCode=UOH0029RI
The 7 Indiana: https://www.nps.gov/civilwar/search-battle-units-detail.htm?battleUnitCode=UIN0007RI01
The 7 Ohio: https://www.nps.gov/civilwar/search-battle-units-detail.htm?battleUnitCode=UOH0007RI01
Note: Strasburg: https://stonesentinels.com/less-known/strasburg/
Area trees as markers, history, & geology: https://stonesentinels.com/less-known/strasburg/hupps-hill-tour/
Civil War Weather in Virginia Robert K. Krick P. 48
“7a.m. 34; 2p.m. 50; 9p.m. 46. Cloudy mackerel.”
Winchester Divided: The Civil War Diaries of Julia Chase & Laura Lee J. Chase Edited by Michael G. Mahon P. 21-22
“March 12, 1862 Glorious news. The Union Army took possession of Winchester today and the glorious flag is waving over our town, but oh, if the troops could only have come a day or two sooner, then our people would have escaped the clutches of the Southern Army. We suppose the destination of the prisoners will be Richmond. God forbid they should reach that city while Jeff Davis reigns there. It does us some good to see some one outside of Dixie, and we hope the troops will show by their conduct to the Virginians that they are not all monsters and have not come for the purpose of cutting their throats & destroying their homes.”
In the Presence of Mine Enemies: The Civil War in the Heart of America, 1859-1864 Edward Ayers P. 417
“Confederates used language and ideals other than the mere defense of slavery to justify their abandonment of the United States, but they ultimately allowed black slavery to stand as the measure of all their political rights. They persuaded themselves that they must secede to protect not only slavery itself but also white property, autonomy, equality, and respect. Without this rationale, white men of all classes and all parts of the South would not have given their lives for the new Confederacy. But without slavery this rationale would not have been invoked in the first place.”
Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era James McPherson P. 310-312
“Although southerners later bridled at the official northern name for the conflict— “The War of the Rebellion”— many of them proudly wore the label of rebel during the war itself. A New Orleans poet wrote these words a month after Sumter:
Yes, call them rebels! ’tis the name
Their patriot fathers bore,
And by such deeds they’ll hallow it,
As they have done before.
Jefferson Davis said repeatedly that the South was fighting for the same “sacred right of self-government” that the revolutionary fathers had fought for. In his first message to Congress after the fall of Sumter, Davis proclaimed that the Confederacy would “seek no conquest, no aggrandizement, no concession of any kind from the States with which we were lately confederated; all we ask is to be let alone.”
Both sides believed they were fighting to preserve the heritage of republican liberty; but Davis’s last phrase (“all we seek is to be let alone”) specified the most immediate, tangible Confederate war aim: defense against invasion. Regarding Union soldiers as vandals bent on plundering the South and liberating the Slaves, many southerners literally believed they were fighting to defend home, hearth, wives and sisters. “Our men must prevail in combat, or lose their property, country, freedom, everything,” wrote a southern diarist. “On the other hand, the enemy, in yielding the contest, may retire into their own country, and possess everything they enjoyed before the war began.” A young English immigrant to Arkansas enlisted in the army after he was swept off his feet by a recruitment meeting. He later wrote that his southern friends “said they would welcome a bloody grave rather than survive to see the proud foe violating their altars and their hearths.” Southern women brought irresistible pressure on men to enlist. “If every man did not hasten to battle, they vowed they would themselves rush out and meet the Yankee vandals. In a land where women are worshipped by the men, such language made them war-mad.” A Virginian was avid “to be in the front rank of the first brigade that marches against the invading foe who now pollute the sacred soil of my beloved native state with their unholy tread.” A Confederate soldier captured early in the war put it more simply. His tattered homespun uniform and even more homespun speech made it clear that he was not a member of the planter class. His captors asked why he, a nonslaveholder, was fighting to uphold slavery. He replied: “I’m fighting because you’re down here.”
For this soldier, as for many other southerners, the war was not about slavery. But without slavery there would have been no Black Republicans to threaten the South’s way of life, no special southern civilization to defend against Yankee invasion. This paradox plagued southern efforts to define their war aims. In particular, slavery handicapped Confederate foreign policy. The first southern commissioners to Britain reported in May 1861 that “the public mind here is entirely opposed to the Government of the Confederate States of America on the question of slavery….The sincerity and universality of this feeling embarrass the Government in dealing with the question of our recognition.” In their explanations of war aims, therefore, Confederates rarely mentioned slavery except obliquely in reference to northern violations of southern rights. Rather, they portrayed the South as fighting for liberty and self-government—blithely unmindful of Samuel Johnson’s piquant questions about an earlier generation of American rebels: “How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of negroes?”
For reasons of their own most northerners initially agreed that the war had nothing to do with slavery. In his message to the special session of Congress on July 4, 1861, Lincoln reaffirmed that he had “no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with slavery in the States where it exists.” The Constitution protected slavery in those States; the Lincoln administration fought the war on the theory that secession was unconstitutional and therefore the southern states still lived under the Constitution. Congress concurred. On July 22 and 25 the House and Senate passed similar resolutions sponsored by John J. Crittenden of Kentucky and Andrew Johnson of Tennessee affirming that the United States fought with no intention “of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of [the seceded] States” but only “to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality, and rights of the several States unimpaired.”
Republicans would soon change their minds about this. But in July 1861 even radicals who hoped that the war would destroy slavery voted for the Crittenden-Johnson resolutions (though three radicals voted No and two dozen abstained). Most abolitionists at first also refrained from open criticism of the government’s neutral course toward slavery. Assuming that the “death-grapple with the Southern slave oligarchy” must eventually destroy slavery itself, William Lloyd Garrison advised fellow abolitionists in April 1861 to “’stand still, and see the salvation of God’ rather than attempt to add anything to the general commotion.”
A concern for northern unity underlay this decision to keep a low profile on the slavery issue. Lincoln had won less than half of the popular vote in the Union states (including the border states) in 1860. Some of those who had voted for him, as well as all who had voted for his opponents, would have refused to countenance an antislavery war in 1861. By the same token, an explicit avowal that the defense of slavery was a primary Confederate war aim might have proven more divisive than unifying the South. Both sides, therefore, shoved slavery under the rug as they concentrated their energies mobilizing eager citizen soldiers and devising strategies to use them.”
Note: How fast was Lincoln supposed to go? The most important consideration at first was to preserve the border States in the Union, not free the enslaved. Go too far too fast & he would have lost everything, including, crucially, those border States, & add to that, there were a ton of citizens on both sides of the border not wanting any of it.
The Half Has Never Been Told: Slavery and the Making of American Capitalism Edward E. Baptist P. 393
“Yet the assumption that slavery would have ended is based on the idea that it was an inefficient form of labor that would soon be weeded out by economic realities. By 1860, this system had been growing for seventy years at a rate unprecedented in human history. It had broken its supposed limits again and again. Moreover, in very practical terms, the Crittenden plan itself would have rendered the end of slavery far more difficult to accomplish. And, as Lincoln wrote in January, adopt Crittenden, and the past tells us that “a year will not pass, till we shall have to take Cuba as a condition upon which they will stay in the Union.” In any case, the seceding states sent no emissaries to Washington or Springfield that winter, offered no bargains that included renunciation of disunion.
P. 414
It has been said that the Civil War was “unnecessary” because slavery was already destined to end, probably within a few decades after the 1860 election. Yet this is mere dogma. The evidence points in the opposite direction. Slavery yielded ever more efficient production, in contrast to the free labor that tried (and failed) to compete with it, and the free labor that succeeded it. If slave labor in cotton had ever hit a wall of ultimate possibility, enslavers could have found new commodities. Southern enslavers had adapted slavery before, with incredibly profitable results. Forced labor that is slavery in everything but name remained tremendously important to the world economy well into the twenty-first century. And the lessons that enslavers learned about turning the left hand to the service of the right, forcing ordinary people to reveal their secrets so that those secrets could be commodified, played out in unsteady echoes that we have called by many names (scientific management, the stretch-out, management studies) and heard in many places. Though these were not slavery, they were one more way in which the human world still suffers without knowing it from the crimes done….”
“Nor is it obvious that slavery’s expanders would have been politically defeated, outnumbered, or boxed in. In the 1850s, slavery-expansion’s promoters were making continued expansion defensible in constitutional terms that the North found quite acceptable long after the war. In addition, the vast enslaved body was the biggest store of wealth in the American economy. So long as law and normal politics reign, wealth-holders typically find ways to preserve their wealth. Successful revolt from within was impossible, so war was the only way slavery would end in the United States. War is what the enslavers, in their right-handed arrogance, launched, and it was– for them– a tremendous mistake.”
Note: “….abide by and faithfully support all laws and proclamations which have been made during the existing rebellion with reference to the emancipation of slaves, so help me God” was the final line on the Amnesty Oath Lee signed Oct. 2, 1865. Too bad he didn’t abide by his first oath.
Racecraft: The Soul of Inequality in American Life Barbara J. Fields, Karen Elise Fields P. 126-127
“By the 1670s, the rulers of Virginia faced a potentially serious problem: a large class of young (white) freedmen, landless, single, discontented– and well-armed.
Sure enough, trouble arrived in cue. In 1676, a group of just such young freedmen, joined by servants and slaves as well, launched the largest popular rebellion of colonial America, plundering the property of the well-to-do, burning the capital, and sending the royal governor and his cronies temporarily into hiding on Virginia’s Eastern Shore. The rebellion ended abruptly, without accomplishing– or for that matter attempting or proposing– changes in the prevailing system of power and authority. What it did succeed in doing was planting suspicion and fear of the growing white lower class in the minds of the rich and powerful.”
Patriotic Gore: Studies in the Literature of the Civil War (1962) Edmund Wilson P. 224-226
(Note: that Patriotic Gore is criticized by some historians like Ed Ayers. Wilson, among other faults like neglecting mention of Frederick Douglass & most other Black writers, and glossing over skin color as if it had nothing to do with the Fugitive Slave Act, has a curious way of conflating Statehood with Nationhood. See P. 402-405).
“The Negro, first of all, has no interest whatever in working for the white man who has made him a slave. He is always sabotaging, dawdling, malingering, revolting or running away. A small group of farmhands in New York or New England, who have a real grasp of what they are doing and who are earning money by it, are able to get through more work than a whole plantation of Negroes, and– in New York as compared with Virginia– they cost twenty-five percent less per man. The slaves must be constantly goaded and supervised very closely– “nigger-driving” was, it seems, not an oprobrious term but an accepted technical expression– and when the planter, as is always the case if he owns any large number of slaves, is unable to do this himself, he must hire an overseer, who will get out of them as many bales of cotton as possible. This leads to a human disregard of the Negroes; and the high rate of turnover in overseers, who rarely remain on a plantation more than a year or two, would seem to show that the slaves make it difficult, once they have got onto their driver’s tricks, for him to keep an eye on overworking them effectively. Since the overseer is aiming at quantity, he does not, furthermore, care how the cotton is picked and may allow it to become so dirty from the sloppy handling of the Negroes that it is worth from one to two cents less a pound than the cotton more carefully picked by the free German labor of Texas. The impression of Northern visitors that masters and beloved by them is due to the fact that the visitor sees only the household servants, of whom this is often true, and never has the least idea of the condition or state of mind of the army of workers in the field on whom the whole system depends. The relation of the master to his working crew– unless he is exceptionally brutal– can never be clear or certain. Since they are slaves, he can never treat them like other human beings, whose rights he would have to respect, yet since they are, after all, human beings, he cannot use them up like tools. This is bad for the morale of the master, since he is always obliged to choose between inefficient production and inhuman methods.
The planter must also live in continual apprehension of a Negro insurrection, and has been led in several states by this fear to pass laws which make it a criminal offense to teach Negroes to read and write. Olmsted, who was no abolitionist, tells us that when he first went South he believed that the advantages to the Negro of living in contact with a superior race must outweigh the disadvantages, and that it was only after long observation that he was forced to come to the conclusion that the slave had been degraded, not elevated. Not merely was the slave kept illiterate, but it was not at all true, as the Southerners asserted, that the average slave in the South lived better than the average Northern laborer. “The fact is,” Olmsted estimates, “that ninety-nine in a hundred of our free laborers… live, in respect to food, at least four times as well as the average of the hardest-worked slaves on the Louisiana sugar–plantations. And for two or three months in the year I have elsewhere shown that these are worked with much greater severity than free laborers at the North ever are. For on no farm, and in no factory, or mine, even when double wages are paid for night-work, did I ever hear of men or women working regularly eighteen hours a day.” Side by side with the blacks, there exists the wretched class of poor whites, who live as badly or worse, who are despised by the other whites and who in turn detest the Negroes, because so long as the latter are slaves, the whites cannot compete with them in the labor market.”
Note: Frederick Douglass’s July 6, 1863 speech at Philadelphia’s National Hall:
Note: While slaveholders were importing “cheap labor,” they were probably the ones calling nonlandholding, wageless whites racists. You can see the irony here. Though, of course, the word “racist” wasn’t noted until the turn of the 19th century in any dictionary. Somewhat like “The Indian Problem,” blaming the victim in Orwellian word constructions. Around 1970, according to John McWhorter’s 2019 The Atlantic piece “Racist Is a Tough Little Word,” the word replaced prejudiced. Prejudiced has its own etymological history.
Beleaguered Winchester: A Virginia Community at War, 1861– 1865 Richard R. Duncan P. 49-50
“Watching the Federals’ entry from the top of the jail, Rev. Brooke was impressed: “When the sun struck the long line of bayonets– gave the effect of a glittering silver river…moving in the wind.” They paused on Fort Hill, gave three cheers for the Union, and then marched into the town’s center as bands played “John Brown’s Body.” On the Martinsburg Pike one unit struck up “Lo, the Conquering Hero Comes.” Conjuring up the stereotype of the malevolent Yankee, Kate Sperry noted that she “never saw as many faces where evil predominated– a kind of sinister expression– horrible to look at.” Yet she watched impressed as bands “consisting of from 18 to 20 instruments and 8 drums a piece” paraded. Less than a mile from the center of town Cornelia McDonald dejectedly could hear the strains of the “Star Spangled Banner.” Jasper, a correspondent for the New York Times, watched as soldiers thronged “almost as thick as ants” in the streets. A few Unionists waved handkerchiefs, and some, like Mr. Andrews, a shoemaker, and George Miller, a druggist, displayed the national flag on their stores, while blacks congregated on street corners. The “demonstrations” as Strother observed “delighted both officers and soldiers,” but Melzer Dutton noticed that “on the whole we [the Federals] were received with more curiosity than enthusiasm.” As Union soldier John Steck noted, “The ‘Fair Sex’ [were] decidedly secesh.” Mrs. Graham, writing to Jackson’s wife, was horrified on seeing soldiers not only “marching to the music of their Brass bands, but some tearing across the fields, up the alleys & in every direction.” What caused the most anguish and horror was the sight of eleven black women with five officers on the porches of the Taylor Hotel.” Their presence against a background of bands playing “John Brown’s Body” validated the old fears of “Black Republicanism.”
Note: Same town, soldiers marching in, but after three years of this type of scene:
P. 215
“An amused Colonel Hayes observed the pragmatic nature of the town: “One queer thing: the whole people turn out to see each army as it comes and welcome their acquaintances and friends….Three year [sic] of this sort of life have schooled them to singular habits.” When the Confederates returned, Southerners gathered as usual on porches and sidewalks to welcome them. Enthusiastically ladies provided milk, water, and food. Impressed, Capt. Robert Park exclaimed, “The native Virginians of Winchester and the Valley are as true as steel, and the ladies– God bless and protect them!” He was further moved to write, “We love to fight for patriotic Winchester and her peerless women.’”
A Virginia Yankee in the Civil War The Diaries of David Hunter Strother David Hunter Strother P. 12-13
“MARCH 12, WEDNESDAY.—Fair…. The day was fair and warm. Crossing the Opequon at Woods Mill, we saw a group of men, women, and children waving handkerchiefs and welcoming us with every demonstration of delight.
As we pursued our way, many other groups and individuals welcomed us and shouted for the Union. The streets as we passed in were alive with soldiers and Negroes with a few white citizens.
Visited General Shields. The General was lying down reading. He welcomed us warmly and related some interesting anecdotes about Jeff Davis. He says Davis has some verbose talents, some capacity to write and speak clearly, but is a man of limited views and utterly wanting in magnanimity.
Shields says he hopes the Confederates will give us at least one good hard battle. He thinks the honor of the American name demands it.”
Note: …
America Aflame: How the Civil War Created a Nation David Goldfield P. 242-243
“The young men could not help but wonder when their turn would come, and how it would be for them. A New Yorker on the way to his first engagement came across a wounded Confederate soldier, lying by the road “with a sabre cut in the side of his head four inches long, and his brain were running out on to his coat. O! How sick I felt…. I thought to myself, if I got sick at the sight of one dead man what would I do on a battle field.” Another New York recruit, coming up to replace a decimated unit at Fredericksburg in December 1862, hard-pressed to avoid stepping on mangled blue-clad corpses, saw “their ghastly gaping death wounds” and wondered if they predicted “what might be in store for us.”
Another soldier came upon a small group of severely wounded men moving on their hands and knees and led by a fellow whose face lacked a lower jaw, now replaced by weirdly angled shards of bone and flesh. The men crawled to a creek to drink its water, but lacked the strength to back away or keep their heads up. They drowned.”
The Red Badge of Courage Stephen Crane P. 17
“He felt that in this crisis his laws of life were useless. Whatever he had learned of himself was here of no avail. He was an unknown quantity. He saw that he would again be obliged to experiment as he had in his early youth. He must accumulate information of himself, and meanwhile he resolved to remain close upon his guard lest those qualities of which he knew nothing should ever-lastingly disgrace him. “Good Lord!” he repeated in dismay.”
Hearts Touched by Fire: The Best of Battles and Leaders of the Civil War Edited by Harold Holzer P. 344
THE PENINSULAR CAMPAIGN.
George B. McClellan, Major-General, U.S.A. (Excerpts)
“While at Fairfax Court House, on the 12th of March, I learned that there had appeared in the daily papers the order relieving me from the general command of all the armies and confining my authority to the Department of the Potomac. I had received no previous intimation of the intention of the Government in this respect….
The fortifications of Washington were at this time completed and armed. I had already given instructions for the refortification of Manassas, the reopening of the Manassas Gap Railroad, the protection of its bridges by block-houses, the intrenchment of a position for a brigade at or near the railroad crossing of the Shenandoah, and an intrenched post at Chester Gap. I left about 42,000 troops for the immediate defense of Washington, and more than 35,000 for the Shenandoah Valley – an abundance to insure the safety of Washington and to check any attempt to recover the lower Shenandoah and threaten Maryland. Beyond this force, the reserves of the Northern States were all available.”
Worldatlas.com “Mason Dixon Line”
“The Mason-Dixon Line became widely known as the symbolic divider between the Northern and Southern states during America’s Civil War; in short, it divided slave states from non-slave states.
However, the original Mason-Dixon line was actually a demarcation (or border) line between Pennsylvania and Maryland, in an effort to settle an 80-year land dispute between the two colonies. It also included the western border of present-day Delaware, as it was then a part of the Pennsylvania colony.
The ongoing dispute between the Penn family of Pennsylvania, and the Calvert family of Maryland over the border between the two colonies finally erupted in war in 1730, one known as Cresap’s War. After years of conflict, England’s King George II negotiated a cease-fire in 1738.
Shortly thereafter, the Penns and Calverts commissioned two Englishmen, Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon, to mark the official border, and solve their property dispute.
Mason (an astronomer) and Dixon (a surveyor) used celestial measurements to form an accurate 233-mile-long line (or boundary) between Pennsylvania and Maryland, and the 83 mile-long between Maryland and Delaware.
The project took nearly five years, and the new border was marked by large blocks of limestone, some weighing as much as 600 pounds. Today, most of the original stone markers have either deteriorated, or simply disappeared – some say as souvenirs.
However, the Mason-Dixon Line still exists. It was last surveyed in 1902 and found to be remarkably accurate; with minor adjustments, it still serves as the Maryland-Pennsylvania border, while the Mason-Dixon Line of the Civil War days fades into the past.”
Cape Gazette 3/26/18 Ron MacArthur
“The Mason Dixon Line has been resurveyed over the years, including the early 1960s. In a bit of trivia, during the bicentennial of the line on Nov. 4, 1963, President John F. Kennedy opened a new section of I-95 crossing the Delaware-Maryland border. It was one of his last public appearances before he was assassinated Nov. 22 in Dallas, Texas. The road was later named the John F. Kennedy Memorial Highway.”
Note: In the Middle Ages there existed a concept of blood passed down generation to generation, a concept that rationalized noble blood, peasant blood… who got the power & goods, & who did not. And in the 1400s the word race began to get bandied about to mean something. It is a story laid out in a near mythical kingdom, somewhere just below stone markers also laid out where you couldn’t travel much over or below without trouble.
Note: Jackson is today lurking north of Winchester in the hills. Banks is supposed to be guarding the B&O canal & the B&O railroad along the line. McClellan & Jackson were in the same class (1846) at West Point. McClellan was 2nd; Jackson, 17th: Rebel Yell: The Violence, Passion and Redemption of Stonewall Jackson S.C. Gwynne P. 342
“While Jackson’s father was a failed lawyer, compulsive gambler, and alcoholic who died when Jackson was two and left the family destitute, McClellan’s Yale-educated father built a thriving surgical practice in Philadelphia, founded a medical college, edited an influential journal, and owned a stable of trotting horses.”
Note: As opposed to non-trotting horses.
Note: Virginia’s governor Henry A. Wise: “I rejoice in this war… It is a war of purification. You want war, fire, blood to purify you; and the Lord of Hosts has demanded that you should walk through fire and blood.”
Everyone gave three cheers….
A line taken off a map county by county, the Mason-Dixon is a two-headed snake slithering across U.S. soil like a throat slit one earlobe to beneath the other, the Mason-Dixon curved like a jugular vein slit ear to ear dividing North from South, a vigilant hemisphere line where statues will face later in defiance, & Lee himself an illicitly entitled slab carved out of dark stone Italy will ship right past the Statue of Liberty on a day with a tailwind. Mason-Dixon stone boulders like a long necklace of headstones, or the upper & lower halves of a torso, both halves of the body like a rude cesarean section, like stitches to be ripped out, provisional. Mason-Dixon markers were originally placed every 5th mile along the line then ornamented with either a Penn or a Calvery family coat of arms & the crossed sabers of a Confederate colonel’s cap, a bugle sword, or crossbones, bones already in death & resting heavy. The black stitch of them on the old maps like a fresh human grave that’s been dug, a line in land like a skein of skin still, like a stitched-up jugular vein where the line was, and no matter how much time passes, it’s a force field if you walk over it; there’s a shadow, a presence, a broken wing beat swish sound that’s slightly off, a rupture in the air, an air current not quite right you can feel up the back of your neck. Because an individual who has been cut from ear to ear will not die instantly.
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